University of the Ryukyus Repository >
Educational research facilities >
Immigration Research Center >
Immigration Studies >
No.2 (2006/3) >
|Title ||:||｢ダバオ国｣の沖縄人社会再考 －本土日本人、フィリピン人との関係を中心に－|
|Title alternative ||:||Rethinking Okinawan Diasporas in 'Davaokuo' with Special Reference to Their Relations with Mainland Japanese and Filipino Residents of Davao, the Philippines|
|Authors ||:||大野, 俊|
|Authors alternative ||:||Ohno, Shun|
|Issue Date ||:||Mar-2006 |
|Abstract ||:||A large number of Okinawans emigrated abroad in order to escape from poverty before World War II. One of their favorite destinations was Davao on the island of Mindanao, the Philippines. Davao was a center of global abaca (Manila hemp) industry, and attracted many Okinawans since Kozo Ohshiro, an influential Okinawan pioneer, actively invited workers from his prefecture to Davao.
Generally Okinawan migrants had less capital but stronger transnational human network based on blood relations such as Manchu (Okinawan patrilineal kin group), common ties to the same village and shared identity as Uchinanchu. Most of them worked as laborers in the abaca plantation managed by their Okinawan relatives or fellows, and belonged to 'the middle classes' positioned between plantation owners and Filipino laborers. Okinawan migrants, who constituted half of the 20, ODD-strong Japanese populace in prewar Davao, can be described as "labour diasporas" in Robin Cohen's classification of global diasporas.
The Okinawans were distinguishable from mainland Japanese due to somewhat different appearance and culture. Thus, they were called "Otra Hapan" (the other Japanese) by Davao's natives. The Okinawans were more in-marriage oriented than the mainland Japanese, and thus had a tendency to avoid intermarriage with Filipinos. The latter also tended to have a biased view of the Okinawans.
Unlike Okinawan migrants in Brazil, the South Sea Island and other settlements, Okinawan settlers of Davao were not so discriminated by mainland Japanese because of the presence of a substantial number of successful and influential Okinawans. Nevertheless, mainland Japanese settlers tended to regard Okinawan settlers as 'second-class Japanese' primarily for the reason of the latter's economic status that was presumed to be lower than the former. These two kinds of Japanese avoided inter-subethnic marriage because of their ethnic division and mutual prejudice although they struggled together against the Philippine government's attempt to reduce the scale of "Davaokuo", a term coined to resemble Manchukuo.
The Japanese military occupation of the Philippines brought a series of misfortunes to Okinawans, especially abaca cultivators. They were ordered to change their farm products from abaca to rice and vegetables supplied for their forces. Most men were conscripted as Imperial Japan's soldiers or paramilitary personnel although no small number of them had emigrated from Okinawa to Davao in order to evade military service. As a consequence, they became enemies for the majority of the Filipinos whose lives were badly deteriorated under the Japanese military rule. Okinawan migrants had to undo many years of their hard work in the settlement of Davao that was once their 'paradise'. At the final stage of "Davaokuo", numerous Okinawan and mainland Japanese evacuees died of hunger, disease, and other reasons such as their 'fellow' soldiers' killings for their own survival.
After the end of the war, all Japanese migrants were ordered to repatriate to Japan by the Allied Powers. Okinawan repatriates were classified as non-Japanese "Ryukyuan refugees". Their ethnic label was suddenly changed probably for the benefit of the US postwar military strategy. Davao's Okinawan diasporas were at the mercy of their fate between Japan and the US, and between 'Japanese' and 'non-Japanese'.|
|Type Local ||:||紀要論文|
|Citation ||:||移民研究 = Immigration Studies no.2 p.1 -22|
|Appears in Collections||:||No.2 (2006/3)|
Files in This Item: